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WooCommerce 11.1: What’s coming for developers

Beta

WooCommerce 11.1 is coming soon

This release is now available for testing. Review the highlights below, test the beta, and share feedback before the final release.

Highlights

REST API has a new refund endpoint
EU order withdrawal comes to WooCommerce
Variable product performance has been improved

Beta available now
Final release: September 01, 2026
Feedback requested

Test the beta

Give feedback

Release schedule

WooCommerce 11.1 brings a complete order withdrawal flow for shoppers, a new REST API refund calculation endpoint, several bug fixes for the product CSV import and export, and a focused set of compatibility changes for extension developers. Here is an early look at the changes taking shape before the release.

Product CSV import and export

PRs: #66903, #66213, #66946, #66205, #66295

Several bug fixes were applied to Product Importing, including preserving terms and categories in re-uploads, clearing images when the file indicates so, respecting existing store currency settings, and better handling for variation creation if the product already exists.

Order withdrawal

WooCommerce 11.1 brings the right of order withdrawal functionality to better serve EU customers. A customer can request a withdrawal from a new My Account page /my-account/withdraw-order/, no auth required. Submissions are then routed to merchants, who receive an email and an inbox notification to follow up with the customer. Order withdrawal is disabled by default and must be enabled from WooCommerce -> Settings -> Advanced -> Features.

REST API refunds and Store API checkout totals

We have updated the refund flow in the WC REST API. We now call POST /wc/v3/orders/{id}/refunds with compute_totals: true in the body, which lets the server calculate the refund totals for you (instead of doing manual calculations).

A new endpoint POST /wc/v3/orders/{id}/refunds/preview allows you to run the calculation and preview the refund without actually applying it.

On Store API, checkout endpoints gain an optional expected_total: integer field that should contain the total the customer is seeing, and if they get charged a different amount, the request would fail with a new 409 woocommerce_rest_checkout_total_mismatch response. This field is then immediately applied in the Checkout block.

Email editor updates

PRs: #66968, #66937, #67079, #66801, #66727

The block email editor makes core/embed insertable for providers that render clickable thumbnails: YouTube, Vimeo, VideoPress, TikTok, and Dailymotion, plus the WordPress embed, which renders as a rich link card. Audio providers are excluded. Embeds from unsupported providers can still be pasted in; however, the editor issues a warning and sends a link to reflect the delivered result.

Personalization tag callbacks now receive their destination content type. A tag can escape correctly for HTML, plain text, or an href. The new parameter is optional and defaults to HTML; automatic escaping applies only to newly registered text-typed tags.

Variable product performance

PRs: #66084, #66675, #66767, #66774, #67152, #66875

Multiple performance fixes are included in this release, mainly reducing N+1 queries around variations and attributes in both the editor and frontend, and reducing queries on price caching as well.

Block registration is skipped on non-rendering requests

PR: #65781, #66672

Block types and patterns previously registered on nearly every request, including many that never render or edit blocks. A new BlockRegistrationContext guard now skips registration on cron, AJAX, and REST API requests, while preserving front-end, admin, and editor behavior.

One exception is built in: when a product or variation description contains a WooCommerce block, block types are registered on demand via the woocommerce_short_description filter, so descriptions still render correctly in the products REST API, the Store API, the variation AJAX endpoint, and product webhooks.

Extensions that assume block registration on every request must adapt. The new woocommerce_should_register_blocks filter opts back in for extensions that render blocks in a skipped context.

Experimental features

Unified block editor assets

PRs: #66200, #67055, #67365

An experimental unified block editor assets feature replaces per-block editor scripts and styles with shared JavaScript and CSS bundles. Frontend assets are unchanged. Testing measured 91.7% fewer editor assets, a 48.3% reduction in network transfer size, and 62.3% smaller style bundles.

The experiment is disabled by default, and stores can opt in to test it from WooCommerce -> Settings -> Advanced -> Features -> Experimental features. When enabled, WooCommerce blocks use the wc-block-library handle instead of individual block handles, editor styles consolidate under wc-block-library-style, and legacy handles stay registered as placeholders that emit a deprecation warning when enqueued.

Product gallery videos storage

PR: #65396

Internal storage for a product video gallery is behind a feature flag as the first step toward product gallery videos; this can be enabled through WooCommerce > Settings > Advanced > Features > Product gallery videos (Beta).

Developer advisories and compatibility work

`is_rest_api_request()` now detects `?rest_route=`

PR: #66816

is_rest_api_request() previously detected REST requests only through pretty-permalink paths under /wp-json/. It now treats a non-empty rest_route query parameter as a REST request.

Other compatibility notes

ProductGalleryUtils::get_product_gallery_image_count() is deprecated and restored as a shim that emits a deprecation notice pointing to get_product_gallery_media_count(): #66550.
The quantity stepper’s DOM order now matches its visual order, fixing WCAG 1.3.2 and 2.4.3. Themes with CSS keyed to the old DOM order should re-test: #66670.
WC_Order_Item_Product::set_product() now resets variation_id, and partial REST order updates preserve variation IDs when product_id is unchanged. An explicit variation_id: 0 still demotes to parent: #66734, #67343.
search_products() now wraps its OR-group disjunction in parentheses, so include, exclude, status, and type clauses apply to all groups. Result sets change: #67420.
A new GET /wc-analytics/activity-panel/counts collapses three endpoints previously called by two components each, turning six requests per admin page load into one: #66276.
Analytics page output no longer carries request-derived properties, so cached pages cannot emit another visitor’s request data: #67003.
@woocommerce/entities no longer exposes internal utilities on window.wc.wcEntities. Those utilities were never intended as a public API: #66978.
Currency symbol output changes for MOP (P to MOP$) and ZMW (ZK to K). Existing symbol-override filters continue to work: #66716, #66722.

The post WooCommerce 11.1: What’s coming for developers appeared first on The WooCommerce Developer Blog.

Social Democracy Upside Down

As he stepped into political oblivion, Keir Starmer sought to reassure himself. He told the country and his successor that he had ‘saved’ Labour; that he had taken a ‘politically, financially, and morally bankrupt’ party and restored it to power. MPs and pundits nodded along.No special insight is required to see that this is brazenly wrong. Labour was in rude financial health under Corbyn and the party has rarely been more politically unpopular than it is today, to take just two aspects. But we should now move above these commonplaces and start trying to grasp the deeper causes of Labour’s decline. That means focusing on the class origins of the party’s struggles, their connection to the disintegration of the party system, and how that process might be intervened in. In 1920, Lenin designated Labour a party of workers that was nonetheless ‘thoroughly bourgeois.’ The formula captured a contradiction at the heart of 20th century Social Democracy: a political form that sought to reconcile working class demands for reform with the entrenched class relations of capitalist society. This was not merely a weakness threatening collapse or a problem to be solved. Like many contradictions, it also generated social power for its bearers. In the latter part of the 20th century, Labour performed important functions in the renewal of British capitalism, particularly after 1945. Through the party’s reforming achievements, a mass workers’ movement could be integrated into post-war British capitalism. Yet conflict could not be wished away. It inhered in the process, and by the 1970s this settlement was coming apart. Returning from its wilderness years under the leadership of Tony Blair, Labour quickly shed its working-class voting profile. Research by Professors Oliver Heath and Humphrey Southall has shown that between 1992 and 2010, the difference between Labour support in the most working class and most middle class constituencies fell from 31 percent to 24 percent. It then collapsed to just 12 percent by the 2024 election. Still thoroughly bourgeois, but not so much a party of workers.This process of class dealignment was mirrored in the withdrawal of principally working class voters from electoral participation. In the 1992 election, voter turnout was 77.7 percent. In 2024, it was just 59.7 percent. By this point, the list of constituencies recording votes under 45 percent maps to those with the worst deprivation rankings: Birmingham Ladywood, 2 of 543; Sheffield Brightside and Hillsborough, 8; Blackley and Middleton South, 9. Dozens of working class seats now turn out less than half of eligible voters at general elections. Yet even then, these figures understate the extent of electoral erosion among the working class. According to the Electoral Commission, somewhere between 7-8 million voters are missing from the roles, and these are disproportionately workers.This pattern was not sustainably reversed by the Corbyn years. The adoption of the second referendum position dealt a hammer blow to the remarkable Labour recovery of 2017, severing again the party’s connection to large chunks of the working class vote. Of the 54 English and Welsh seats Labour lost to the Conservatives in 2019, 52 voted Leave. The places where Labour lost the biggest vote share were solidly Leave-voting.Starmer’s election against an exhausted and reviled Tory party in 2024 did not reverse this damage, either. Though Labour returned in many seats it had lost and achieved an overall majority, it did so by winning just 35 percent of voters on a low turnout; a share just 1.4 percent up on 2019 and 5 percent lower than Labour’s 2017 narrow defeat. Few were shocked, therefore, when the same voters quickly turned on Starmer as he unveiled cuts and failed to meet working class concerns over inflation.Today, the traditional contradiction at the heart of social democracy has been largely displaced, as most fractions of the working class find themselves outside the tent. This means the Labour Party’s old function of systemic stabilisation through class mediation is not only limited but increasingly upturned. Labour and the wider party-political system have become sources of instability, manifesting a widespread mood of dissatisfaction and directing public anger at a point near the top of the state.The ‘union link’, always highly bureaucratised, reflects relations between a party machine and union leaderships which are by and large even more insulated from working class organisation and insurgency today than in decades past.The old connection between the working class and Labour still manifests spasmodically. Corbyn increased Labour’s vote among workers in 2017 (though not as much as he did among the young and formally educated). Andy Burnham romped home in the Makerfield by-election by signalling a return to old Labourist values while largely excluding the party brand from his campaign. But these flashes of muscle memory are reducing in frequency and potency.Now under Burnham, the hollowed-out shell of social democracy will be expected to carry out the main tasks of British capitalism today, such as reducing welfare spending and ramping up militarism. Winning consent for this programme will be a tall order for Labour, given the decades of its class base eroding.We can expect confrontations to brutally shake Burnham, as they did Starmer. The question is now whether working class anger can be harnessed to resist this drive to war and against working class interests, or whether it will form the backdrop for fresh assaults from the right.